manvar surname caste in gujarat

All the small towns sections in each of the ekdas resented that, while the large town section accepted brides from small towns, they did not reciprocate. They co-existed in the highlands with tribes such as the Bhils, so much so that today frequently many high caste Gujaratis confuse them with Bhils, as did the earlier ethnographers. For example, the Khadayata Brahmans worked as priests at important rituals among Khadayata Vanias. If the marriage took place within the Vania fold but outside the tad or ekda, as the case may be, the punishment varied according to the social distance between the tads or ekdas of the bride and the groom. The Rajputs relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. Because of these two major factors, one economic and the other political, Gujarat at the beginning of the 19th century had a large urban population, distributed over a large number of small towns. Castes having continuous internal hierarchy and lacking effective small endogamous units, such as Rajputs, Leva Kanbis, Anavils and Khedawals, do not have active associations for lower-order divisions. Gujarati migrations to the nearby metropolis of Bombay the first new centre of administration, industry, commerce, education, and western culture, followed the same links. In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. The freedom struggle brought the Indian handloom sector back to the fore, with Mahatma Gandhi spearheading the Swadeshi cause. I know some ekdas, and tads composed of only 150 to 200 households. Usually, it was a small population. The Rajputs in Radhvanaj, the village I have studied in central Gujarat, had no great difficulty in establishing their claim to being Rajputs: they owned substantial amounts of land under a traditional Rajput tenure, dominated village politics and possessed certain other traditional Rajput symbols. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania divisionthe type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. But there were also others who did not wield any power. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. The purpose is not to condemn village studies, as is caste in a better perspective after deriving insights from village studies. The main reason was that Anavils did not practise priesthood as a traditional occupation, nor were they involved in traditional Sanskrit learning. In the past the dispersal over a wide area of population of an ekda or tad was uncommon; only modern communications have made residential dispersal as well as functional integration possible. 4 GUJARAT 4273 SHODA . It is possible that there were a few divisions each confined to just one large city and, therefore, not having the horizontal dimension at all. The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. A large number of priestly, artisan and service castes also lived in both villages and towns: Bramhans, barbers, carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, leather-workers, scavenges, water-carriers, palanquin-bearers, and so on. Vankar is described as a caste as well as a community. The small ekda or tad with its entire population residing in a single town was, of course, not a widespread phenomenon. To have a meaningful understanding of the system of caste divisions, there is no alternative but to understand the significance of each order of division and particularly the nature of their boundaries and maintenance mechanisms. In the city, on the other hand, the population was divided into a large number of castes and each of most of them had a large population, frequently subdivided up to the third or the fourth order. Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. The Levas, Anavils and Khedawals provide examples of castes whose internal organization had a strong emphasis on the principle of hierarchy and a weak emphasis on that of division. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. State Id State Name Castecode Caste Subcaste 4 GUJARAT 4001 AHIR SORATHA 4 GUJARAT 4002 AHIR 4 GUJARAT 4003 ANSARI 4 GUJARAT 4004 ANVIL BRAHMIN 4 GUJARAT 4005 ATIT BAYAJI BAKSHI PANCH 4 GUJARAT 4006 BAJANIYA 4 GUJARAT 4007 BAJIR . Hypergamy was accompanied by sanskritization of at least a section of the tribal population, their claim to the Kshatriya Varna and their economic and political symbiosis with the caste population. Tapodhans were priests in Shiva temples. One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy. A few examples are: Brahman (priest), Vania (trader), Rajput (warrior and ruler), Kanbi (peasant), Koli (peasant), Kathi (peasant), Soni goldsmith), Suthar (carpenter), Valand (barber), Chamar (leatherworker), Dhed (weaver) and Bhangi (scavenger). The tribal groups in the highland area, such as the Bhils and Naikdas, also did not have any urban component. The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. Almost every village in this area included at least some Leva population, and in many villages they formed a large, if not the largest, proportion of the population. The castes of the three categoriesprimarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urbanformed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. To whichever of the four orders a caste division belonged, its horizontal spread rarely, if ever, coincided with that of another. The Khadayatas were divided into about 30 ekdas. Marriages were usually confined to neighbouring villages, so that marriage links were spread in a continuous manner from one end of the region to another. Fortunately, they have now started writing about it (see Rao 1974). This list may not reflect recent changes. He stated: hereditary specialization together with hierarchical organization sinks into the background in East Africa (293). For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. to which the divisions of the marrying couple belong. Britain's response was to cut off the thumbs of weavers, break their looms and impose duties on tariffs on Indian cloth, while flooding India and the world with cheaper fabric from the new steam mills of Britain. The method is to remove first the barriers of the divisions of the lowest order and then gradually those of one higher order after another. While the Rajputs, Leva Patidars, Anavils and Khedawals have been notorious for high dowries, and the Kolis have been looked down upon for their practice of bride price, the Vanias have been paying neither. Although the ekda or tad was the most effective unit for endogamy, each unit of the higher order was also significant for endogamy. Castes which did not sit together at public feasts, let alone at meals in homes, only 15 or 20 years ago, now freely sit together even at meals in homes. A first-order division could be further divided into two or more second-order divisions. //]]>. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. Similarly, in Saurashtra, the Talapadas were distinguished from the Chumvalias, immigrants from the Chumval tract in north Gujarat. There was another kind of ambiguity about the Brahman status or two other divisionsKayatia and Tapodhan. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. Indeed, a major achievement of Indian sociology during the last thirty years or so has been deeper understanding of caste in the village context in particular and of its hierarchical dimension in general. Many of these names were also based on place names. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrityin the pre- industrial time of slow communicationby a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). As regards the specific case of the Rajput-Koli relationship, my impression is that, after the suppression of female infanticide in the first half of the 19th century, the later prohibition of polygyny, and the recent removal of princely states and feudal land tenures among the Rajputs on the one hand, and the increasing sanskritization as well as Rajputization among the Kolis on the other, marriage ties between these divisions have become more extensive than before. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gujarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher order into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. There is a patterned widening of the connubial field along an area chalked out historically. However, on the basis of the meagre information I have, I am able to make a few points. They also continued to have marital relations with their own folk. Since the beginning of the modern reform movement to encourage inter-caste marriages-most of which are in fact inter-tad or inter-ekda marriagesthe old process of fission into ekdas and tads has come to a halt, and it is, therefore, difficult to understand this process without making a systematic historical enquiry. Our analysis of the internal organization of caste divisions has shown considerable variation in the relative role of the principles of division and hierarchy. Similarly, although the number of marriages between the second-order divisions in the Vania division, i.e., between Khadayata, Modh, Shrimali, Lad, Vayada, etc., has been increasing, the majority of marriages take place within the respective second-order divisions. In these divisions an increasing number of marriages are taking place against the grain of traditional hierarchy, i.e., girls of traditionally higher strata marry boys of traditionally lower strata. Both Borradaile and Campbell were probably mixing up small endogamous units of various kinds. Frequently, the urban population of such a division performed more specialized functions than did the rural one. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. The migrants, many of whom came from heterogeneous urban centres of Gujarat, became part of an even more heterogeneous environment in Bombay. Pages in category "Social groups of Gujarat" The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. Patel is a surname of the Koli caste of Gujarat in India which have most importance in the politics of Gujarat and Koli Patels of Saurashtra was most benefited under the rule of Indian National Congress party. Kolis were the largest first-order division in Gujarat. The two areas merge gradually, and my field work covered most of the spectrum. Prohibited Content 3. As weaving is an art and forms one of the most important artisan community of India. Usually, the latter were distinguished from one another by prohibition. TOS 7. That the role of the two principles could vary at different levels within a first-order division has also been seen. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. In the plains, therefore, every village had one or more towns in its vicinity. Firstly, there were divisions whose population was found almost entirely in towns. While we can find historical information about the formation of ekdas and tads there are only myths about the formation of the numerous second-order divisions. When divisions are found within a jati, the word sub-jati or sub-caste is used. It has been pointed out earlier that an emphasis on the principle of division existed in the caste system in urban centres in traditional India. Once the claim was accepted at either level, hypergamous marriage was possible. window.__mirage2 = {petok:"uGhRfiuY26l2oZgRlfZRFSp4BWPIIt7Gh61sQC1XrRU-3600-0"}; The Mehta family name was found in the USA, and the UK between 1891 and 1920. While some hypergamous and hierarchical tendency, however weak, did exist between tads within an ekda and between ekdas within a second- order division, it was practically non-existent among the forty or so second-order divisions, such as Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, Khadayata and so on, among the Vanias. Nor do I claim to know the whole of Gujarat. Since Vankars were involved in production and business they were known as Nana Mahajans or small merchants. For example, there were Khedawal Brahmans but not Khedawal Vanias, and Lad Vanias but no Lad Brahmans. I have done field work in two contiguous parts of Gujarat: central Gujarat (Kheda district and parts of Ahmedabad and Baroda districts) and eastern Gujarat (Panchmahals district). I have not yet come across an area where Kolis from three or more different areas live together, excepting modern, large towns and cities. The institutions of both bride and bridegroom price (the latter also called dowry) were rampant in castes with continuous internal hierarchydowry mainly at the upper levels, bride price mainly at the lower levels, and both dowry and bride price among status-seeking middle level families. The understanding of changes in caste is not likely to be advanced by clubbing such diverse groups together under the rubric of ethnic group. We shall return later to a consideration of this problem. With the exclusion of caste (except scheduled caste) from the census since 1951 (practically since 1941, because the census of that year did not result in much reporting), writings on castes as horizontal units greatly declined. For example, among almost every Vania division there was a dual division into Visa and Dasa: Visa Nagar and Dasa Nagar, Visa Lad and Dasa Lad, Visa Modh and Dasa Modh, Visa Khadayata and Dasa Khadayata, and so on. For example, among Vanias in a large town like Ahmedabad many of the thirty or forty second-order divisions (such as Khadayata, Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, and so on) were represented. Content Filtrations 6. Although caste was found in both village and town, did it possess any special characteristics in the latter? Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the following pages: 1. The marital alliances of the royal families forming part of the Maratha confederacy, and of the royal families of Mysore in south India and of Kashmir and Nepal in the north with the royal families of Gujarat and Rajasthan show, among other things, how there was room for flexibility and how the rule of caste endogamy could be violated in an acceptable manner at the highest level. Tirgaar, Tirbanda. 3 0 obj Hypergamy tended to be associated with this hierarchy. Rajput hypergamy seems to have provided an important mechanism for integration of the lower caste and tribal population into the Hindu society over the entire length and breadth of northern, western, central and even eastern India. Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. In most parts of Gujarat it merged into the various second-order divisions of the Koli division and possible also into the widespread tribe of Bhils. <>/Metadata 3086 0 R/ViewerPreferences 3087 0 R>> The two considered themselves different and separateof course, within the Kanbi foldwhere they happened to live together in the villages in the merger zone between north and central Gujarat and in towns. The hypergamous tendency was never as sharp, pervasive and regular among the Vania divisions as among the Rajputs, Leva Kanbis, Anavils and Khedawals. Many of them claimed that they were Brahmans but this claim was not accepted by most established Brahmans. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. 100 Most Popular Indian Last Names Or SurnamesWhy Don't Tamil People Have Last Names?-----A . Real Estate Software Dubai > blog > manvar surname caste in gujarat. Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. This was about 22% of all the recorded Mehta's in USA. Kayatias and Tapodhans were considered such low Brahmans that even some non-Brahman castes did not accept food and water from them. All associations originated in large towns, are more active in towns than in villages, and are led by prominent members in towns. Although the people of one tad would talk about their superiority over those of another tad in an ekda, and the people of one ekda over those of another in a higher-order division, particularly in large towns where two or more tads and ekdas would be found living together, there was no articulate ranking and hypergamy among them. The Kayasthas and Brahma-Kshatriyas, the so- called writer castes, employed mainly in the bureaucracy, and the Vahivancha Barots, genealogists and mythographers, were almost exclusively urban castes. Most associations continue to retain their non-political character. Radhvanaj Rajputs were clearly distinguished from, and ranked much above local Kolis. The Kayatias main occupation was to perform a ritual on the eleventh day after death, during which they took away offerings made to ghosts: this was the main cause of their extremely low status among Brahmans. Co-residence of people, belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a higher order was, however, a prominent feature of towns and cities rather than of villages. Inclusion of a lower-order division in a higher-order one and distinction between various divisions in a certain order was not as unambiguous. In 1920 there were 2 Mehta families living in New Jersey. There are thus a few excellent studies of castes as horizontal units. r/ahmedabad From Mumbai. Roughly, while in the plains area villages are nucleated settlements, populated by numerous castes, in the highland area villages are dispersed settlements, populated by tribes and castes of tribal origin. Limitations of the holistic view of caste, based as it is mainly on the study of the village, should be realized in the light of urban experience. So far we have considered first-order divisions with large and widely spread populations. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. The bulk of the population was spread all over the villages as small landholders, tenants and labourers. Systematic because castes exist and are like each other in being different (298). Thus, while each second-order Koli division maintained its boundaries vis-a-vis other such divisions, each was linked with the Rajputs. This meant that he could marry a girl of any subdivision within the Vania division. We have analyzed the internal structure of two first-order divisions, Rajput and Anavil, which did not have any second-order divisions, and of several second-order divisionsTalapada and Pardeshi Koli, Khedawal Brahman, and Leva Kanbiwhich did not have any third-order divisions. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste, will still be imbued with caste mentality (1932: 184). Traditionally, the Brahman division was supposed to provide the priests for the corresponding divisions. stream 1 0 obj While some of the divisions of a lower order might be the result of fission, some others might be a result of fusion. Moreover, the king himself belonged to some caste (not just to the Kshatriya Varna) and frequently a number of kings belonged to the same caste (e.g., Rajput). https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Category:Social_groups_of_Gujarat&oldid=1080951156, Social groups of India by state or union territory, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License 3.0, This page was last edited on 4 April 2022, at 12:36. New Jersey had the highest population of Mehta families in 1920. In an area of the first kind there are no immigrant Kolis from elsewhere, and therefore, there is no question of their having second-order divisions. While fission did occur, fusion could also occur. It reflects, on the one hand, the political aspirations of Kolis guided by the importance of their numerical strength in electoral politics and on the other hand, the Rajputs attempt to regain power after the loss of their princely states and estates. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. It is not easy to find out if the tads became ekdas in course of time and if the process of formation of ekdas was the same as that of the formation of tads. * List of Scheduled Tribes in Gujarat; A. . In no other nation has something as basic as one's clothing or an act as simple as spinning cotton become so intertwined with a national movement. In 1931, their total population was more than 1,700,000, nearly one-fourth of the total population of Gujarat. The number of tads in an ekda or go I might be two or more, and each of them might be an endogamous units. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. This account of the divisions is based on various sources, but mainly on Bombay Gazetteer (1901). Usually, these divisions were distinguished from one another by prohibition of what people called roti vyavahar (bread, i.e., food transactions) as well as beti vyavahar (daughter, i.e., marital transactions). Usually, the affairs of the caste were discussed in large congregations of some fifty to hundred or even more villages from time to time. Any one small caste may look insignificant in itself but all small castes put together become a large social block and a significant social phenomenon. The small endogamous units, on the other hand, did not practise either. The indigenous Kolis in the highland area of Pal in eastern Gujarat were called Palia, but there was another smaller population of KoUs, who were locally called Baria but were actually Talapada immigrants from central Gujarat. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. In many villages in Gujarat, particularly in larger villages, one or two first-order divisions would be represented by more than one second-order division. These marriage links do not seem to have allowed, among the Kolis, formation of well organized, small, endogamous units (ekadas, gols) as were found among some other castes.